Archive for March, 2010

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The Photography of Lee Marmon

March 24, 2010

Marmon, Rosita, nd

The Photography of Lee Marmon

Lee Marmon’s photographs have been exhibited in numerous exhibitions and are published in a number of books, including The Pueblo Imagination, a book compiled by the artist and his daughter, author Leslie Marmon Silko, with poets Joy Harjo and Simon Ortiz. His work is in numerous collections, including the Smithsonian’s National Museum of the American Indian in Washington, DC.  One of the exhibitions that I saw the artist speak about consisted of thirty-nine photographs taken between 1950 and 1995 and are of Native people and their communities in the Southwest.  Marmon, from Laguna Pueblo, photographs people and place with a sensitivity arising from his own situation as a community member.  The works were primarily black and white photographs, supplemented with a few color prints.  Marmon’s photographs center around three subjects: people, landscapes, and traditional dances.  Marmon’s choice of subject, primarily elders, has been discussed by the artist as a means of honoring and remembering these individuals for the future. On a purely practical note, he has also observed that older people are not concerned about looking conventionally attractive, whereas younger people are anxious to look their best in photographs.[1]

            Photography has a 180-year history, but Native Americans have only been using photography for the past three generations. Theresa Harlan identifies the slow spread of photography to Native artists as a result of the upheaval and hardships during this time period.[2] Native artists also were sometimes resistant to photography as a medium because of the historical use of photography by white photographers to “capture” images of Indian people as objects of scientific study and as social and political propaganda. Edward Curtis’ photographs, while beautiful, were staged photographs that were used to promote inaccurate conceptions of Native peoples. Perhaps the most damaging use of photography against Native peoples was as propaganda promoting the trope of the “vanishing Indian.” These early photographs have such power that not even recent photographs of Native Americans can escape comparison on some level to the work of Curtis.[3]  Such a comparison is likely to be made by viewers considering Lee Marmon’s photographs.

            Native artists have to live within the community they interpret, and are not casual visitors to Indian country. They are part of the community so they express something about themselves in their work.  They are not trying to peek over the cultural curtain. Yet they are trying to let the viewer look through their lens, with the eyes of a Native person, to see a Native reality and see a Native moment.[4]

 

            How does Marmon’s work differ from historical, non-Native photographic representations of Native people? Does a Native reality, a Native moment emerge?  Marmon’s photographs are seldom posed, unlike Curtis’. During an artist’s talk, Marmon described taking many of these photographs while he was delivering groceries, asking permission to quickly snap a picture or two before rushing off to his next delivery.  The realities of everyday living are present in the photographs.  A photograph of famous Acoma potter Lucy Lewis, for example, is related to other historical photographs of pueblo potters at their craft but is presented with more honesty and less romanticism.  In the foreground, blurred slightly by proximity to the camera lens, a set of car keys sits on a large grinding stone.

            There is a quietness and stateliness in many of his photographs. They are not so much a captured moment, a stilled action, but more a moment of stillness that has been prolonged – not just by the camera’s presence but by the reproduction of the image and its display for decades later.

            Marmon, Lucy Lewis, Acoma Potter, 1961Of course, Marmon’s photographs are not just about stillness or dignified portraits of elder of the communities of Laguna, Zuni, Acoma, and other pueblos.  Many of the photographs are about work as well. In an arresting color photograph from 1949, titled Mr. and Mrs. Sheya, the couple are shucking corn outdoors.  Large piles of enormous ears of shucked corn fill the foreground.  To the left of Mr. and Mrs. Sheya is a pile of un-shucked corn. The color and composition of the photograph are strikingly beautiful. I found it  to be the strongest the color photographs by Marmon that I have ever seen. In addition to the wonderful formal qualities of this photograph, there is a subtle air of continuity about it that implies work done and work yet to do, a portrayal of a repetitive task performed cooperatively, companionably. The enormity of the piles of corn cobs dwarfs the human beings performing their task. The corn is not an object that is being acted upon but has a presence that makes it an entity in its own right.

            Girls at Clothesline, Laguna Plaza, from 1954, is another image of work.  The girls are situated on a raised area, hanging washing on the line.  The photograph is taken from a point below and to the left of the girls, who have their backs to us. A breeze floats the washed white laundry into the air. The laundry line divides the sky along a diagonal line. The laundry itself has a luminous quality to it, evocative of the cool air the wet clothing emanates as the moisture evaporates into the dry desert air. What might be viewed as a tiresome chore has acquired beauty and satisfaction here, qualities valued in pueblo life. Marmon has said this is one of his favorite photographs.[5]

            Marmon’s photographs of ceremonial dances are very appealing to non-Native viewers, as they are events that have been part of the romanticization of Native cultures of the Southwest.  However, Marmon’s dance photographs are different from ones done by outsiders. In most cases, the camera has been positioned in such a way that the perspective of the photograph is very similar to the perspective of pueblo artists in easel paintings and drawings of such ceremonies, that is, from above and slightly angled from the line of the dancers.

White Man's Moccasins (Jeff)I cannot go without mentioning Marmon’s most famous photograph, titled White Man’s Moccasins, which is often reproduced in large format for exhibitions, and has been widely reproduced in print.  The photograph shows an elder seated against an adobe wall in three-quarter view. He wears a shirt, trousers, headband, much silver and stone jewelry, and clearly visible Converse All Stars high top basketball shoes that have seen better days.  The photograph is appreciated for its irony – its juxtaposition of the “traditional” and the non-traditional, the combination of the age of the man in the photograph and the fact that the kind of shoe that he wears is one that sever seems to go entirely out of fashion with youngsters but is seldom seen on anyone beyond their twenties.  This photograph represents adaptability, practicality, and the deliciousness of contradictions.  If one knows that the cigar in the man’s right hand was a gift offering, there are added depths of meaning to the photograph. Marmon had asked this elder if he could take his photograph previously but had been refused.  One day, Marmon brought the elder an offering of tobacco in the form of an excellent cigar. The gift of tobacco goes beyond an item of monetary value; it is a gift which connotes respect and honor.  The photograph then becomes a document of the exchange of honors. It was an honor for Marmon to be permitted to take the photograph, requiring that Marmon also honor the man sitting for the photograph. The elder sits, face lifted with an expression of wry pleasure, holding his cigar in his hand. There is satisfaction in his face and body language.

            Jolene Rickard, a Tuscarora artist who often utilizes photography, observes, “The more perspectives on Native American experiences that can be seen, the faster the meltdown of the noble, highly romanticized Indian of our past.”[6] Marmon’s photographs broaden images of Native experience during the 1940s-80s.  Marmon takes us beyond the quaint, the ethnographic, the old West.  His work brings Native men and women forward as real people, not symbols.  In Laguna Women Plastering, from 1955, a woman making adobe plaster pauses for a moment, holding out a double handful of plaster to the camera, laughing, reminds us that, as Jolene Rickard has observed, photographs are ultimately of your family, or of someone else’s family.[7]   Marmon’s photographs are not of anonymous Indians. More often than not, the photographs are titled with the names of the people in them. Some of the photographs are literally of Marmon’s family, such as Susie Rayos Marmon’’s 110th Birthday, a color photograph from 1987, and Mrs. R. G. Marmon with Grandchildren, a black and white photograph from 1955.

            Marmon, as one of the earliest Native American photographers, has produced a significant body of work. While not radically innovative in an immediately apparent manner, Marmon’s work successfully negotiates a tricky transformation of photography from a tool used against Native people to a vehicle for self-representation, preservation, pride, beauty, respect, and the embodiment of cultural values.

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            If you are interested in other early Native photographers, see the work of Horace Poolaw (1906-1984), a Kiowa photographer from Mountain Home, Oklahoma. There is a chapter on Poolaw in the book Spirit Capture, published by the Smithsonian. http://www.nmai.si.edu/subpage.cfm?subpage=shop&second=books&third=SpiritCapture

Recently, scholarship by Mique’l Askren has brought the work of Tsimshian portrait photographer Benjamin A. Haldane (1874-1941) to light. The exhibition catalogue Our People, Our Land, Our Images, edited by Hulleah J. Tsinhnahjinnie and Veronica Passalacqua includes a section on Haldane, as well as Cherokee photographer Jennie Ross Cobb (1881-1959).


[1] Lee Marmon, in an artist’s lecture and the Center for Southwest Research, Albuquerque, NM, February 2000.

[2] Theresa Harlan, “A Curator’s Perspective: Native Photographers Creating a Visual Native American History,” from Exposure, Vol. 29, No. 1, Fall 1993, p. 12-13.

[3] Theresa Harlan, “Indigenous Photographies: A Space for Indigenous Realities,” from Native Nations: Journeys in American Photography, (New York: Barbican Art Gallery, nd.) p. 233-234.

[4] Rick Hill, In Our Own Image: Stereotyped Images of Indians Lead to New native Art Form,” from Exposure, Vol. 29, No. 1, Fall 1993, p. 11.

[5] Lee Marmon, artist’s lecture.

[6] Jolene Rickard, “Guest Essay, from Native Peoples, May/June 1996, p.5.

[7] Rickard, p. 5.

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Snapshot from the past- Kimowan McLain’s ‘Without Ground’

March 5, 2010

Kimowan McLain, Without Ground, photo transfer onto wall, 2002

Kimowan McLain, Without Ground, photo transfer onto wall, 2002

Ramp Project: Without Ground

Installation by Kimowan McLain, Institute of Contemporary Art, Philadelphia, PA 2002 

Author’s Comment: (Even though this exhibition is long gone, I still really like the artwork and think it deserves more attention).

The Institute of Contemporary Art at University of Pennsylvania turned over exhibition space to installation artist Kimowan McLain in the middle of July.  Within a week, he turned an awkward switchback ramp into a work of art he titled Without Ground.  McLain, who is Cree Indian, works in contemporary modes, usually in an installation format that takes over an exhibition space entirely.  While the content of his work usually makes references to ongoing social, political, cultural, and historical issues relating to Native cultures, his work is still very accessible to non-Natives.

   The exhibition space for Without Ground is unusual; it is a long ramp that leads from the lower gallery to the upper gallery.  It’s a transitional space, seemingly more suitable for moving people from one gallery to another than for exhibiting art.  On the other hand, the ramp is prominently located, occupying much of the front of the building and visible from the street through large glass windows.  Any artist designing artwork for this space is faced with an interesting compositional and spatial problem. There is a lot of wall space available, but floor space is quite limited, which means that viewing space is also restricted.  There is only one wall that offers a fairly standard viewing situation.  The other walls are within arms’ reach of the viewer.  The wall of the second rising ramp is visible from the first ramp, but is canted at an unlikely angle, confusing the senses.  In spite of these challenges, McLain developed an installation that takes advantage of the peculiarities of the space, turning them into integral aspects of the work.

            Without Ground consists of approximately seventy photographic images transferred directly onto the gallery walls.  The images are small in scale, ranging from ¼ inch to almost 9 inches tall. All the photographs are of the artist himself, but the small scale, repetition, and organized placement of the photographs counter any temptation to call Without Ground narcissistic. In an interview during the installation, McLain consistently referred to the images in the third-person, often giving them informal descriptive names like “red-shirt guy.”  The photographs may be self-portraits, but once the artist began organizing them for the walls of the exhibition, they took on separate identities and function like actors in a developing  narrative.

            The dominant pattern of traffic through the ramp is from the first floor gallery to the second floor gallery, and McLain’s photographs mirror this movement.  The first groupings of figures are shot from the side in walking poses, transitioning to a figure gazing upward, then a pairing of figures holding umbrellas and bending over slightly. At the end of the first ramp, a grouping confronts the viewer head-on, then the figures are again shot from the side as if they also were proceeding up the ramp, albeit at a great distance away.  Again, this parallel movement is broken up by an action; walking is interrupted by postures indicating a search going on, followed by figures examining the ground, even crouching down to pick up an invisible object off of the equally invisible ground.  McLain’s figures resume walking, but this time they are photographed from the back, as if walking away perpendicular to the path traveled by viewers on the ramp.

            McLain’s use of space and perspective in Without Ground is interesting for several reasons.  The figures float in the air, apparently ungrounded, but ground is implied by their consistent placement with the eyes along a unifying horizon line.  The differences in scale of the figures then provide the illusion that the smaller figures are farther in the distance. In addition to scale, McLain has used thin washes of paint matching the white of the gallery walls to give the impression that the smaller figures are shrouded in fog, decreasing the crispness and color contrasts to simulate the atmospheric effects of viewing an object a great distance away.  These subtle manipulations lend a sense of monumental depth to the austere gallery-white walls.

            Is it important to know that McLain is Cree Indian? Not necessarily.   As an aesthetic and spatial concept, Without Ground is a successful work.  McLain’s searching, ungrounded figures allude to a personal search for something within (or outside of) ourselves to provide a sense of identity, a sense of stability, especially in this post-September 11th world.  The absence of “ground” in this case can be understood as a direction to search within oneself.  Where is the ground? If there is no ground, no external environment at all, what then can he be searching for? Perhaps the search itself is of the most importance, rather than a measurable, objective finding.  Without Ground raises questions that most of us can relate to in some sense.

However, knowing something about issues going on in Native communities in the US and Canada provides added layers of meaning to this piece.  For instance, the title Without Ground can be understood as a reference to a range of inter-connected issues: land claims, the experiences of urban Indians, the termination of federal recognition for some tribes, efforts to regain federal recognition, and general efforts to protect tribal sovereignty.

Without Ground, an installation work that would not be out of place in any contemporary art museum in the world, might not look particularly “Indian” but it does make a reference to Native artistic practices of the first half of the twentieth century.  The lack of ground, or setting, in McLain’s installation is a reference to the depiction of space in paintings associated with the Santa Fe Studio Style promoted (and some say invented) by Santa Fe Indian School teacher Dorothy Dunn.  Indian artists working in the Studio Style produced beautiful paintings of Indians in traditional dress, usually engaged in ceremonial and dance activities.  The figures usually floated on a blank, landscape-less page.  These paintings were popular with non-Natives for many reasons- but the romantic appeal was a main factor. The lack of real three-dimensional space around the dancers made them timeless, authentic, exotic Indians, floating in an ahistorical realm, cleansed of unpleasant references to poverty, racism, and genocide.  There’s nothing romantic about Without Ground though.  Rather than using images of Indian dancers in traditional garb, McLain chose to depict himself in regular street-clothes.  He isn’t wearing cutting-edge fashionable clothing – just your normal everyday “guy” clothing, nothing more exotic than an occasional hat or umbrella.  The presence of such accessories in the photographs plays a part in building the subtle narrative of Without Ground

This is a quiet, contemplative installation with an air of mysteriousness about it.  It is appealing in its visual simplicity and conceptual complexity. 

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What to Do When Theory Does Not Work For You: Native Performance Art and Performance Theory Revised

March 4, 2010

This is actually an excerpt from my dissertation, so it reads a bit stiff. Take with a grain of salt, or perhaps snarkiness.

Many writers have produced insightful analyses of work by performance artists using a number of theoretical and methodological approaches. The field of performance studies has undergone incredible growth in a fairly short period of time. Searching for theories and methodologies that would be useful to me, I found myself with a number of questions. Much of performance studies theory is based upon theater and theatrical modes. The indigenous cultures of North America did not practice theater in the European tradition, but have any number of other performative traditions. Might these other traditions produce different ideas, different theories about performance? The diversity of those traditions makes it realistically impossible to develop one overarching theory equally applicable to each distinct culture-group. It may be possible to develop some theories about Native North American theatrical modes based upon shared inter-tribal social milieus, such as powwow culture, inter-tribal political and economic entities, and even on-line bulletin boards, chat rooms, and newsletters, where it has been necessary to develop respectful ways of interacting and creating Indigenous communities composed of scores of tribes and accommodating differences between urban Indian and reservation/reserve customs. Such inter-tribal communities are often temporary in nature and the acceptable kinds of interactions and permissions must then be constantly negotiated anew. There is no Emily Post Book of Manners to codify inter-tribal relations. If the point of traditional theory is to posit predictable outcomes and stable meanings, then a quantum theory for human culture would seem to be necessary. The verb “community” in this inter-tribal situation could be metaphorically described as the movement along the path of a string thousands of miles long, tied together at both ends, and piled in criss-crossing, spaghetti-like loops across the whole of Turtle Island.[1] The verb “community” is akin to the verb “journey.” And being a loop, there is no destination, only overlapping journey-ings along the way.

Performance theory arising from Western theatrical traditions is not categorically useless, of course. Theater is definitely something with which all contemporary Native people have familiarity. The particular artists I am focusing on, James Luna, Rebecca Belmore, and Greg Hill, do not claim any alliance with theater and do not describe themselves as actors or entertainers. They consider themselves visual artists and all work in media other than performance art, such as painting, photography, sculpture, and installation art. Another potential problem with performance theory as it has been developed thus far is its ethnographic emphasis, as we see in the theoretical work of Dwight Conquergood. The following five areas of performance studies[2], as identified by Conquergood, are useful in some respects. I present Conquergood’s five areas below and then follow each with my response regarding its applicability to my particular project, which is analysis and art criticism of contemporary Native and First Nations performance art.

Conquergood’s Five Areas of Performance Studies:[3]

1. Conquergood’s Performance and Cultural Process:

“What are the conceptual consequences of thinking about culture as a verb instead of a noun, a process instead of product? Culture is an unfolding performative invention instead of a reified system, structure, or variable? What happens to our thinking about performance when we move it outside of aesthetics and situate it at the center of lived experience?”

In Response to Performance and Cultural Process:

The proposition of treating culture as a verb is a conclusion that I had reached independently, prior to reading Conquergood. The conceptual consequences of thinking about culture as an unfolding performative venture instead of a reified system, structure, or variable is a conceptual shift that brings us closer to an Indigenous viewpoint that allows the continuation of Indigenous identities and cultures rather than extermination through “assimilation.”

In regard to my particular project, there is a problem with the last sentence of Conquergood’s Performance and Cultural Process. He asks what would happen if we moved performance outside aesthetics and situated it in the center of lived experience. One of the criticisms Luna has made of the writing that has been done about his work is that the aesthetics are not considered. Only the “Indian” content is analyzed. It is not necessary to place performance as the center of lived experience at the expense of aesthetics. In regard to art, even performance art, it is possible and even necessary to consider all of the following: the interpretation(s) of the content, the viewers’ lived experiences of the artwork, the viewers’ lived experiences of the aesthetic elements (the formal artistic elements) of the work, and the artists’ lived experience in the creation of the work, as contributing to the whole understanding of the work.

2. Conquergood’s Performance and Ethnographic Praxis: “What are the methodological implications of thinking about fieldwork as the collaborative performance of an enabling fiction between observer and observed, knower and known? How does thinking about fieldwork as performance differ from thinking about fieldwork as the collection of data? […]”

In Response to Performance and Ethnographic Praxis:

I am not performing ethnography. I am not performing “fieldwork.” If the artists I chose to write about were not artists of a cultural background associated with the primitive, the exotic, the other, then ethnographic approaches and fieldwork would never be proposed as a basis for my work. The model for ethnographic and anthropological research, that is, the researcher/interrogator and the “Indian” informer, is particularly problematic. Native peoples in the U.S. and Canada have come to be very resistant to such unequal relationships except in instances where the tribal groups have themselves commissioned research to be done on their behalf, for their own benefit rather than the benefit of the scholar or institution conducting research. I have no desire to place myself in such a position. I desire to perform art criticism, not ethnography. Art criticism is a highly subjective promotion of the critic’s own ideas and interpretations. A possible place where the similarities between art criticism and Conquergood’s category of “performance and ethnographic praxis” converge would be in the shift toward viewing both ethnography and art criticism as performative acts.

3. Conquergood’s Performance and Hermeneutics: “What kinds of knowledge are privileged or displaced when performed experience becomes a way of knowing, a method of critical inquiry, a mode of understanding? […]”

In response to Performance and Hermeneutics:

Conquergood is asking this question about privileging or displacing kinds of knowledge from a distinctly Western viewpoint. He is speaking from a normative assumption that knowledge is NOT performed experience. Conquergood’s assumption is that performed experience is not already a valid method of critical inquiry or understanding. I am beginning with the opposite assumption: performed experience is a valid, rigorous method of critical inquiry and a way of knowing.

4. Conquergood’s Performance and Scholarly Representation: “What are the rhetorical problematics of performance as a complementary or alternative form of “publishing” research? What are the differences between reading an analysis of fieldwork data, and hearing the voices from the field interpretively filtered through the voice of the researcher[…] What about enabling people to perform their own experience? […]”

In response to Performance and Scholarly Representation:

A completed dissertation, the “publication” of research, would not seem to have a complementary performance event, however, the dissertation defense meeting is actually a performative event. The performance of the meeting is built into the process of awarding the doctoral degree. The dissertation defense meeting cannot serve as a substitute for the written dissertation; it is complementary to, but not a true alternative to publishing research.

To consider the questions about alternatives to “publishing” research, I will use a particular situation as a case study. I attended the New York University-based Hemispheric Institute’s Fifth Encuentro, Performing Heritage: Contemporary Indigenous and Community-Based Practices. As part of the Encuentro, I was asked to interview James Luna. The interview was to be filmed. Luna and I discussed alternative ways of doing the interview ahead of time. After all, the bulk of the material that has been published about his work is actually in the form of interviews. An especially good interview had been published just recently. Luna has also made or participated in several videos in which he speaks about his work at length. The Hemispheric Institute’s interview would seem to be redundant. Instead, Luna and I planned to do a performance of an interview. The artwork would certainly be discussed, but the performance would make clear the power structures inherent in the interview process itself, as well as its associations with the historic academic practices of anthropologists/ethnographers and “Indian informants.” This approach seemed to be very much in keeping with the institute’s goals:

“The Encuentro seeks to bring together students, scholars, artists, and activists to develop models of intellectual and artistic inquiry that are specially suited to the study of social and political formations in the Americas. It explores the potential offered by the emerging interdisciplinary field of Performance Studies to provide new means through which to understand the relation between expressive culture (broadly construed as performance) and political movements, identities, and social norms.”[4]

The people from the Hemispheric Institute were excited, but not in the way I had hoped; they were disturbed. They really wanted a “talking heads” type of interview and simply found someone else to do the interview rather than risk something unpredictable happening. To a certain extent, the institute was trying to rectify past imbalances by asking a Native scholar, myself, to interview a Native artist, James Luna. From their point of view, they were handling the matter sensitively. From my point of view, I was being asked to replicate a role in which I was uncomfortable: the interviewer, the interrogator, the intrusive anthropologist trying to get a person’s individual and cultural “secrets” out in the open where they will be fair game for academia and political manipulation. James Luna was enthusiastic about the idea and we were discussing via e-mail ways to both subvert and make that exploitative historic dynamic visible. Unfortunately, an institute that takes a performance studies approach was not interested in an interview that looked at the interview format itself as a performance. Taken on its own, this turn of events is disappointing, to say the least. Much more devastatingly, it was part of a pattern of behaviors I witnessed at the Encuentro. The Indigenous participants from both hemispheres were regulated at every turn by criticisms of our authenticity, by paternalistic attitudes, by the actual censorship and interruption of performances in which things happened that those in charge felt were “inappropriate” behaviors for whatever their ideas of what “Indians” are supposed to be. To be fair, all of these incidents were not the fault of the Hemispheric Institute. The Brazilian hosts and several South American academics, still unshaken in their colonial attitudes, were often sources of conflict. Many individuals from the Hemispheric Institute, of whom I think very highly, seemed embarrassed, and uncomfortable with many of these situations.

In the end, they controlled the money, they controlled the camera, and our interview never happened. The Hemispheric Institute lost an opportunity to create a truly interesting “interview” that, in the words of Conquergood, would have enabled people (Luna and me), to perform our own experience instead of Barbara Walter’s or Frank Hamilton Cushing’s experience.

  1. 5. Conquergood’s The Politics of Performance: “What is the relationship between performance and power? How does performance reproduce, enable, sustain, challenge, subvert, critique, and naturalize ideology? How do performances simultaneously reproduce and resist hegemony? How does performance accommodate and contest domination?”

In response to The Politics of Performance:

Many of the nouns above require a shift to plurals. What kind of power? Whose power? Which ideologies? What about resisting the hegemony of one nation, the USA for example, while acting in support of the hegemony of the Navajo Nation, or complicating things even further, First Nations hegemony? When these questions are adapted to the consideration of Indigenous performance, the complications increase exponentially. How to even begin to describe the permutations and collisions of powers which include economic, governmental, tribal councils, internal “culture police,” the power of mass media, even spiritual and ceremonial power? When dealing with performances involving such mixed audiences/participants, so many ideologies converge that it seems difficult and “unnatural” to “naturalize” any of them. Some ideologies, power structures, or hegemonies may seem to resonate more with one participant than another, but the complexities are such that it is likely impossible for any one person taking part in the kinds of performance art events I am writing about to emerge without some doubts about her or his assumptions and interpretations of what exactly went on there. As human beings, we are always searching for organizational patterns. It is a disconcerting experience when such patterns are so complex that they elude us. Richard Schechner has experimented with methods of organizing performative experience in theoretical models, such as the identification of a set of interlocking spheres that constitute universal aspects of performance.

Schechner’s Spheres of Performance

Richard Schechner proposed thinking of performance, the big picture of performance rather than the narrower category of performance art, as a series of seven interlocking spheres, which he rendered in a diagram as circles shown in Figure 1. The seven spheres are labeled as follows:

To Entertain

To Deal with the Divine and the Demonic

To Teach or Persuade

To Create Beauty

To Foster Community

To Make or Change Identity

To Heal

Figure 1. After Richard Schechner’s Seven interlocking spheres of performance. Diagram by the author.[5]

I had difficulty relating Schechner’s spheres to my own work as some of the categories seemed inappropriate, so I reworked the spheres until the categories better addressed my observations of the performance art I have been studying. Just as in Schechner’s analysis, every aspect, or “sphere” may not be present in any given performance art work, and some aspects may be more emphasized than others. The basic “spheres” I have developed for my own use are illustrated by the diagram in Figure 2. To make this type of diagram useful for the individual performance artworks I write about, the combination and configuration of the interlocking spheres will change according to the emphases of each of the performances. If nothing else, my hope is that these diagrams can provide visual cues to assist in organizing an understanding of the complexities of the performances.

I developed the following nine aspects of Native performance art for my own diagrammatical rendering:

To Exchange or To Gift

To Deal with Natural and Spiritual Forces

To Teach or Persuade

To Stimulate the Senses

To Exercise Culture, To Create Culture

To Make or Change Identity

To Deal with Racism/Romanticism

To Engage in Inter- and/or Intra- cultural Critique

To Deal with Trauma and Healing

Figure 2. Spheres of Performance specifically applicable to Native performance art. A revision of Schechner’s Seven Spheres. Designed and rendered by the author.

Why was it necessary to develop a different theoretical picture for aspects of Native performance art? Some of the reasons have to do with art and art discourse itself. For instance, “beauty” is a problem in Schechner’s scheme because there is no agreement on what exactly beauty is. Issues of performance aside, not all really great art shows us beauty; skillful ugliness is also sometimes vitally important. To only make art that is “beautiful” is to drastically limit human experience. Beauty also implies only visual attraction. Performance artworks can employ sound, scent, and tactile experiences that that may be of equal importance to the visual experiences. Therefore, in my own identification of spheres of performance, I have chosen to substitute “To Stimulate the Senses” for “To Create Beauty.” Charlotte Townsend-Gault also recently made a call to consider more than simply the visual aspect of the “visual arts.” In her essay “Struggles with Aboriginality/Modernity,” Townsend-Gault says “Reinstating the sensorium – reprivileging the senses of touch, smell, taste, and hearing – is now central to the promotion of indigenous knowledge. This take on embodiment is frequently linked to the unwritten knowledge carried in oral traditions where embodied knowledge is the counterpart of that found in books.”[6] Townsend-Gault is referring to the type of embodied, enacted knowledge that I am taking as the basis for my understanding of the dynamics, purposes, and aesthetics of performance art as practiced by Indigenous artists. The phrase “to create beauty” automatically includes a value judgment: positive or negative. Substituting the phrase “To Stimulate the Senses” not only recognizes the importance of senses other than sight, it makes no value judgment about that sensory experience in terms of de facto labeling some sensory input “good” and another sensory input as “bad.”

What exactly does it mean “to foster community,” the phrasing used by Schechner? The impression this wording gives is that “community” is a child, and an orphan at that. “Community” requires a parental intervention. Fostering community is a common phrase, and I am perhaps overanalyzing it, but the wording indicates some unspoken assumptions about the nature of community the noun and community the subject. There is no proper English conjugation for “community” that would transform it into a verb without certain other idealized connotations attached to it. To replace Schechner’s community sphere, I began with thinking about what community (the noun) means. Community implies a group of people at least somewhat in accord, either through ideology, physical proximity, or some other common relationship. This lead me to think about the problems regarding Indigenous cultures and historic issues regarding “authenticity” and the difficulties Native peoples encounter when asserting their contemporary culture as equally authentic as what is popularly regarded as “pre-contact” or “historic-period” culture. I came to the conclusion that community and culture are inseparable. As long as culture is viewed as static, unchanging, then “community” must indeed be “fostered” in order to maintain the status quo, the illusion that culture, or at least some aspects of culture, are stable. If we accept culture as ever-changing, then community is ever-changing as well. Substituting “To Foster Community” with the phrase “To Exercise Culture, To Create Culture” removes the paternalistic overtones and recognizes that Indigenous peoples make their own determinations about how they practice their own cultures, how they build, rebuild, and grow culture through their own agency, will and actions. This concept of building culture, of culture as a growing process, a verb rather than a stationary noun, is useful in thinking about anyone’s culture. Culture is what we do, on an individual level, and as aggregates, in pockets, in strands, in families, on street corners, in our cars. Fostering community is goal-oriented. Exercising culture is process-oriented.

Play is an integral part of human interaction and has been theorized across numerous disciplines. Like culture and community, “play” is hard to pin down. Yet it is clear that nearly every work of performance art I present here possesses an element of play, of irony, and humor. Returning to my experiences at the INDIANacts conference in Vancouver, BC, I repeatedly heard a difference in the way artists who made performance art and artists who primarily aligned themselves with theater conceived of their actions. An area of disconnect centered around concepts of “play.” There seemed to be a fundamental difference in their conceptions of play. For the theater-influenced participants, play was freeing and theater gave them license to play as fully as possible, without repercussion. Indigenous performers who primarily viewed themselves as theatrical actors seemed to closely identify with Nietzsche’s idealization of play:

In this world only play, play as artists and children engage in it, exhibits coming-to-be and passing-away, structuring and destroying, without any moral additive, in forever equal innocence.[7]

Apparently, the theater as an institution seemed to protect them from the kinds of negative consequences that the performance artists were concerned with.

In contrast, actions by performance artists were understood to have consequences both for the artists and their audience-participants. This was not just the perception of the performance artists, but one that had also been a concern expressed by elders and other members in their Indigenous communities.[8] Play, humor, and irony might be elements of a performance, but the way in which sensitive cultural matters are played out in performance art events could be causes of strife, dissent, and actual spiritual, emotional, and physical harm.[9]

Whenever improvisation is a performative strategy in ritual, it places ritual squarely in the domain of play. It is indeed the playing, the improvising, that engages people, drawing them into the action, constructing their relationships, thereby generating multiple and simultaneous discourses always surging between harmony/disharmony, order/disorder, integration/opposition, and so on.[10]

Margaret Thompson Drewel’s quote above, written in regard to Yoruba ritual is useful in delineating some of the issues Native American and First Nations performance artists find themselves navigating out of necessity. Firstly, I must stress that these artists are NOT performing rituals. There are sometimes ritual aspects incorporated into performances, but their performances are not intended to substitute for or revise traditional ritual practices. Drewel describes improvisation as a strategy that causes play to dominate ritual. This could be an accurate description of Yoruba ritual, but has the potential effect of trivializing ritual itself. Performance art that includes audience participation has improvisational elements as a result, but do not definitively place the performance within the domain of play, at least, not the kind of play that Drewel seems to describe, in which oppositions and contradictions are safe, permissible, and without lasting effect, contained within the boundaried space of ritual.

For Indigenous performance artists, the concept of deep play, introduced by Jeremy Bentham and further developed by Clifford Geertz carries greater relevance. Deep play is a type of play in which an observer may judge the risks to outweigh any potential rewards.[11] Performance artists of color in some sense engage in what could be called deep play every time they undertake a performance. As a result of racism, stereotype, and conflicts with dominant paradigms, performance artists of color engage in deep play even in situations where there no risk of physical harm. Native performance artists engage in deep play on multiple fronts: confronting racism, stereotypes and romanticism, risking disapproval from their home communities and other Native communities, and risking some potential for emotional trauma to themselves arising from a performance.

Deep play is a feature that is observable in much performance art, as is another type of play, dark play. Dark play, as described by Richard Schechner involves fantasy, luck, daring, intervention, and deception. “Dark play subverts order, dissolves frames, and breaks its own rules – so much so that playing itself is in danger of itself being destroyed… Unlike carnivals or ritual clowns whose inversions of established order are sanctioned by the authorities, dark play is truly subversive, its agendas always hidden. Dark play’s goals are deceit, disruption, excess, and gratification.”[12] Dark play can also involve truly life-threatening activities that may actually cause physical harm, mutilation, or even death. This is the sensationalism which is frequently associated with performance art as an artistic medium, but which is comparatively rare in performance art as practiced by Native American and First Nations artists.

Schechner’s choice of “To Entertain” implies a division into entertainer and a group of people who are passively entertained. This situation creates a community-by-default that is based only upon the presence of a number of people within the same space. There is also an undesirable association between entertainment and frivolousness that trivializes the significance of performance itself. An event need not be “entertaining” in order to capture and hold one’s attention.

Performance art often relies upon audience participation; therefore, I categorize it as an exchange between audience-participants and the artist(s). The exchange could be an exchange of ideas, words, gifts, stories, knowledge, or information of any sort. I substituted “To Entertain” with a sphere labeled “To Exchange or Gift,” a phrase which I intend to encompass a wide range of activities. For example, there can be a fairly equal exchange or non-reciprocal transfers of something tangible or intangible between the artist and individuals, artist and the audience as a whole, or even between audience members. Multiple forms of exchange and gifting can occur within a single performance. Schechner’s entertainment can be encompasses within the concept of exchanging without oversimplifying or trivializing the aspects of performance art that attract participants.

Taking exchange processes as a fundamental aspect of performance transforms the conception of those present as a passive noun-based definition of community to the concept of community as a verb: focusing on actions and interactions rather than simple proximity.[13] A weakness in Schechner’s spheres is that many of them name actions that do not necessarily have to have more than one participant. One can “entertain” oneself. However, there cannot be a community consisting of only one person. Exchange is part of the conceptual shift from thinking about community as a noun to thinking about community as a verb.

Schechner used the words “to heal” as one of his spheres. In my experience, it is customary to evoke, remember, or somehow make reference to the trauma before any “healing” efforts are made. In order to fully include some of the major aspects in performance art, I combined the purpose of healing with the evocation of trauma. In some instances, the primary impulse is to uncover trauma, without making the presumption that healing is expected to be the outcome. As Ojibway playwright Drew Hayden Taylor said about trauma in the introduction to his play Only Drunks and Children Tell the Truth, “…you can’t overcome 35 years in one hour.”[14] It is naïve to expect to be able to heal five hundred years of trauma in a one-hour performance art event or in any ceremony or ritual. The best that can be hoped is for is to deal in some fashion with that particular trauma and the processes of healing.

One of the most inappropriate of Schechner’s spheres is “To Deal with the Divine and the Demonic” because it uses terminology that is only consistent with a Christian worldview. It also contains an inherent assumption of a stable, binary division into good and evil. I substitute the words “To Deal with Natural and Spiritual Forces.” Judgments or divisions into good and evil can still occur within a performance and are a feature of some of the spiritual structures in some traditional tribal traditions, but my rephrasing makes it possible to reserve prejudicial judgment about a particular natural or spiritual entity. The alteration in phrasing also allows grey areas and complex beings, like Coyote, who is creative, procreative, and destructive, and may be “good” in one instance, and “bad” in another, to be more fully included in a complex analysi s.


[1] “Turtle Island” is a common Indigenously used term that can be used to describe the whole of North American, or even the entirety of the land surfaces of the planet.

[2] Dwight Conquergood, Rethinking Ethnograpyh: Towards a Critical Cultural Politics. Communications Monographs 58 June 1991: 190.

[3] Note that Conquergood’s Five Areas are specifically aimed at an overarching field of performance studies and are not designed to focus on the specifics of performance art. His conception of performance studies in this case is heavily influenced by relationships between the field of performance studies and the field of ethnography. The source of Conquergood’s Five Areas is identified in footnote 21.

[4] Fifth Annual Encuentro program, Hemispheric Institute, New York University, March 2005.

[5] For Richard Schechner’s original diagram, see Richard Schechner, Performance Studies: An Introduction. New York: Routledge, 2003, p. 39.

[6] Charlotte Townsend-Gault, Struggles with Aboriginality/Modernity. Bill Reid and Beyond: Expanding on Modern Native Art, Karen Duffek and Charlotte Townsend-Gault, eds. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2004. pp. 237-238.

[7] Friederich Nietzsche, Philosophy in the Tragic Age of the Greeks. South Bend: Gateway Editions 1962. p. 62.

[8] This interpretation is based upon extended discussion session at the INDIANacts conference in which artists spoke about ways in which they had at various times negotiated with individuals and factions on their reserves and reservations about possible approaches to culturally sensitive community issues.

[9] I experienced an instance of harm arising from the interruption of a performance art event. A particular sequence to bring closure to the event had been planned but was interrupted by facilities managers. Several people involved in the collaborative performance were distressed over the next two days. A group of those who had participated in the performance gathered together and discussed what had gone wrong with the performance, particularly the lack of closure. A respected participant suggested that the difficulties that many of the participants were experiencing were a result of the abrupt fashion in which the performance had ended. We were, in a sense, still consumed by the energy and power that arisen that night. Once the erratic behavior had been discussed as being a result of an uncompleted action with ceremonial overtones, even the most distressed experienced an abrupt alteration.

[10] Margaret Thompson Drewal, Yoruba Ritual. Bloomington: Indian University Press, 1992, p. 7-8, also quoted in Performance Studies: An Introduction by Richard Schechner, New York: Routledge, 2002. p.100.

[11] Richard Schechner, Performance Studies: An Introduction. New York Routledge, 2002. pp. 105-109.

[12] Schechner, Performance Studies, 106-107.

[13] The concept of exchange and gifting as being a fundamental aspect of performance also allows for the consideration of performances that border on ritual, where the performer’s audience does not consist of human beings, but may include audience-participants such as natural forces, spiritual beings, plants, animals, landscape features that may not ordinarily be considered as participants or audiences.

[14] Drew Hayden Taylor, Only Drunks and Children Tell the Truth. Burnaby, British Columbia, Canada: Talon Books, 1998. p. 12.

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Oka Crisis, the Champlain Monument, and the Art of Acting out Change (without erasing the past)

March 3, 2010

 

This long article centers on artworks by artist Greg Hill. Here is a link to the artist’s website: http://homepage.mac.com/gahill/Menu14.html

The Scout Series[1] 

Real Live Bronze Indian is one of a constellation of artworks that Greg Hill has created that revolve around this sculpture of an anonymous Indian scout.  In order to fully discuss the performance Real Live Bronze Indian, it is necessary to look at other permutations of this work, and the community furor over this sculpture Both the installation Monument ForeigN ation and the performance version Real Live Bronze Indian used a video loop taken from a previous performance by Hill, which was titled Joe Scouting for Cigar Store Lasagna, so it is important to analyze this initial manifestation of the work.

The title of the initial performance at the site of the Champlain Monument, Joe Scouting for Cigar Store Lasagna, is packed with references.  Hill gives the name Joe to the otherwise anonymous Anishinabe Scout, but why “Joe?”  It’s a common name, encouraging familiarity and a certain folksy-ness.  Hill’s choice of the name Joe is also a reference to Joseph Brant[2], a Mohawk leader, Anglican missionary, and British officer who led a group of Mohawks from New York north to the Grand River area in Canada.  One of the poses that he takes during his performance is an emulation of a painting of Joseph Brant.  These references are made clear at the beginning of the video version of the performance, which juxtaposes this particular painting of Joseph Brant with a photograph of the bronze Anishinabe Scout.  This is followed by a second split-screen juxtaposition of a photograph of a wooden Cigar Store Indian sculpture with an photograph that is emblematic of Canada’s Oka conflict of 1990The words “Cigar Store” in the title refer to cigar store Indians, the painted wood sculptures that commonly stood at the entrance to tobacconists shops, but are now collectibles worth as much as seventy to eighty thousand dollars.  Like the Anishinabe Scout statue, cigar store Indian statues are also anonymous and nameless – one figure standing in for an entire continent of diverse peoples, collapsed into a single racialized designation.  Cigar store Indians were also treated very casually, rather than as works of fine art.  That is,  until they started to become highly collectible during the past few decades.

Cigar store Indians were mercantile signs, advertisements for the tobacconists’ products, which associated the merchant’s product, tobacco, with a unique, exotic, and authentic  American-ness.[3] The pose of the typical Cigar store Indian is very recognizable.  This type of carved and painted wooden sculpture, depicted wearing Plains Indian clothing and feather warbonnet, typically stands with one hand raised to shade his eyes, with his gaze fixed in the distance, scouting for… something.  This is one of the poses that Hill assumes for video shots, photographs, and in person during the performances related to the relocation of the Anishinabe Scout.  I remember seeing these Cigar Store Indians throughout my childhood and my teens.  The physical scale of the sculptures were often slightly smaller than life-size.   Adults and children touched these sculptures very familiarly.  I remember many of them being chained to some immovable object to prevent theft.  There were places were the paint had been worn away and the wood underneath worn smooth by the touch of many hands. When Hill, as the “Anishinabe Scout,” invites people to come up and have their photograph taken with him, he invites the kind of intimacies that were formerly taken with cigar store Indians, and that were also taken with the Anishinabe Scout while in its original location, as we see in newspaper photographs in Figure 9.

The final word of the title Joe Scouting for Cigar Store Lasagna is a reference to the Oka conflict in 1990, which will require some explanation and historical background.  First, it is important to look at the community controversy that arose during the 1990s over what seemed to many in the community to be an innocuous bronze sculpture.

 

Newspaper: Champlain article

Figure 3.  Ottawa’s Monument to Samuel de Champlain prior to the removal of the Anishinabe Scout sculpture.

 

“The Battle of Nepean Point”

The bronze sculpture Anishinabe Scout, which was placed at the base of the monument to Champlain in 1918, several years after the installation of the Champlain Monument itself, had been the source of controversy in Ottawa for some time.  This kneeling, anonymous “scout“ was placed at ground level some sixteen feet or so beneath the bronze figure of Samuel de Champlain, who was a French explorer and founder of the colony of Quebec in 1608.

In October of 1996, the National Capitol Commission (NCC) agreed to remove the Scout in response to complaints from Ovide Mercredi, Assembly of First Nations chief, that the sculptural arrangement presented a degrading image of aboriginal people.  A heated debate was played out in the pages of the newspaper The Ottawa Citizen.  The paper invited callers to comment on the planned alteration and reported that three-quarters of their nearly 500 callers objected to the plan to move the bronze Indian from the monument.[4]  Many of the objectors claimed that removing the scout from the sculpture would be re-writing history. Some suggested that the scout was crouching, rather than kneeling, and suggested that the he was helping Champlain find his way.  And Champlain certainly needed help finding his way, as the astrolabe in his outstretched hand is pointed upside-down.

A descendent of the artist who created Anishinabe Scout, Charlene MacCarthy, found nothing offensive in the arrangement of the sculptures and believes her great-great-grandfather meant the work as a “testimony to the partnership Champlain and the scout enjoyed.”[5]  In the same newspaper article, MacCarthy  continued on to say, “I see nothing degrading about this statue.  The Indian Scout is not kneeling to Champlain or else he’d be facing him and not looking away… It looks like he is leading Champlain and they are working together.”

Ten Little Indians = One French Explorer   

I have some observations about MacCarthy’s defense of the sculpture. Firstly, the scout is unnamed.  If the sculpture truly depicted a partnership, it would ideally identify both partners.  In an attempt to counter the objection to the kneeling posture, MacCarthy makes the observation that the scout faces the same direction that Champlain faces.  However, the differences in scale and vertical positioning make it perfectly clear that the scout is in a subordinate position.  The body of Champlain is physically depicted as being 1.5 times the scale of the body of the Anishinabe Scout.  It is clear that the scout was executed on a much smaller scale and is in fact physically dwarfed by Champlain in addition to being placed quite near to ground level in comparison to the approximately sixteen feet of pedestal which elevates Champlain’s bronze figure.  Champlain’s sculpture is mounted on a high, unreachable pedestal.  The scout perches on a low outcropping at the base of the pedestal where it is accessible to visitors, as we see in these newspaper photographs.  It is not possible to take such liberties with the sculpture of Samuel de Champlain.  In an ironic twist, ten Anishinabe Scouts in this genuflecting  pose and scale would be just about equal to the height of the Champlain Monument’s total height if the scouts were mounted one atop the other.

Formal analysis of the arrangement of the two sculptures reveals a colonizing, dominating relationship between Champlain and the Indigenous population.  As a monument in the modern landscape, it reads not just as a monument to Champlain, but is a depiction of First Nations peoples as subservient, and in an inferior position not just in relation to Champlain, but in relation to Canadian government.  The sculptural arrangement implies the racial inferiority of Indigenous peoples, while also endorsing Champlain as discoverer/appropriator by portraying the anonymous scout almost as if the scout is “gifting” Champlain with the land spread out before Champlain’s fixed bronze gaze.  The intended meaning of the sculpture was not the cooperative partnership that the artist’s descendents wishfully promoted during the course of the community debate.

There is a somewhat similar monument to Champlain in Plattsburgh, New York.  I provide it as an example that this is a not-uncommon sculptural arrangement for monuments to Champlain. The following text is directly from the Battle of Plattsburgh Association and Interpretive Centre’s website description of the monument shown in Figure 4.

“A bronze monument  was dedicated on July 6, 1912 to the memory of Samuel de Champlain.  It is 34 feet high and rising 61 1/2 feet above the level of the lake.  The plaque was unveiled on July 19, 1959 by the citizens of Plattsburgh to commemorate the 350th anniversary of the Discovery of Lake Champlain.  The memorial to Samuel Champlain consists of a statue and pedestal standing on a terrace of Massachusetts pink granite, in a park over-looking Lake Champlain. Its base is surrounded by a granite seat and ornamented in front by the figure of a crouching Indian with bow and shield, carved in granite; at each side by a canoe prow with trophies typical of America in Champlain’s time; and at the rear by a bronze tablet bearing the names of the Commissioners.  The canoe prows were chosen because the birch bark canoe is one of the highest achievements, both constructively and artistically, of any primitive race[6], and is typical of Eastern North America.  Strongly and ingeniously made of materials found in the woods, seaworthy, capable of carrying a heavy load, and so light that it could easily be carried from one waterway to another, it provided the quickest and easiest means of travel for the Indians and for the explorers of this part of the country.  The upper part of the pedestal is decorated with carved garlands of Indian corn.

 The statue of Champlain, which is nearly 12 feet high and of bronze, represents him in his soldier costume holding in his hand the arquebuse of which he speaks in his memoirs.  This and his breastplate, helmet or morion, cloak, doublet, boots, and sword follow carefully the style of the period.”[7]

That final comment makes me wonder how accurately the granite Indian’s clothing and accessories followed the style of the period.  Why there was no praise of the fineness of the sculpturally rendered Indian crouching at Champlain’s feet.[8]

Plattsburgh Monument to Champlain

Figure 4. Monument to Samuel de Champlain at Plattsburgh, New York, erected 1912.

I found it astonishing that a modern website by a community association continues to describe Native Americans and First Nations peoples as a “primitive race,” and does so specifically in the context of a monument to Samuel de Champlain.  Nevertheless, this quoting of their text is useful in illustrating the original context and meaning inherent in such monuments, and provides evidence that this meaning is still being articulated today.

The Scout in its new location

 

Figure 5.  The Anishinabe Scout in it’s new location.

Returning to the Ottawa Monument to Samuel de Champlain, I think it is important to observe the differences in clothing worn by the two men.  Champlain is elegantly dressed whereas the Scout is nearly nude.  The Scout should be wearing leggings in addition to the breechclout.  Additionally, a blanket was often worn draped over the shoulders. [9] He is scantily clad and his musculature is depicted in great detail. Whether or not the artist intended his sculpture of the Indian scout to be symbolic of an exotic, sexual “other,” many people do seem to relate to the sculpture as such.  Notice how the newspaper photographs show women casually draping an arm over the shoulder of the sculpted figure in Figure 6? In the one photograph where a man is also posed with the sculpture, he makes no such intimate contact. The women are clearly responding to the Indian scout as a sexual object of desire.[10]  So far, we are operating within the familiar territories of theories of spectatorial desire applied to a sexualized, racialized other.

Even though public opinion in general was against any alteration of the Champlain Monument, the NCC adhered to their original decision to remove and then relocate the Anishinabe Scout.  One of the primary justifications made to the public was that the Scout was not part of the original sculptural program, but was a later addition, and was only partially completed at that.  The sculptor’s rights to the work had expired fifty years previously, and thus there was no legal barrier to the removal of the bronze Indian from the pedestal base.[11]

In the end, the Anishinabe Scout was moved to a new location overlooking the Ottawa River, a solitary figure placed amongst landscaping done with native plants.  The photograph gives a somewhat inaccurate impression of the environment the Scout was installed in.  It is very near a busy roadway.  In Hill’s performance video, the ambient sound is that of heavy traffic moving at high speeds.

Joe’s Connection With The Oka Conflict

The word “Lasagna” in the title of the performance video Joe Scouting for Cigar Store Lasagna is a reference coming out of Canada’s Oka Conflict.  “Lasagna” was the nickname of a Mohawk warrior involved in that conflict.  In their archived documentation of televised events from the Oka crisis, the CBC observes that a September 1, 1990 event captured on camera, a chilling stare-off between a Canadian soldier and a Mohawk warrior nicknamed Lasagna[12], has comes to personify the gulf between the native and non-native populations in Canada. Although the actual confrontation lasted mere seconds, the image would become a lasting symbol of the stand-off.[13]  In the footage, a Mohawk man in camouflage army fatigues, bandana tied over the lower portion of his face, and a hat with eagle feathers tied with a bit of red cloth to the back of the hat, stands toe to toe with a Canadian military officer while the two men trade strong words. The Mohawk man in the CBC footage was misidentified as Ronald Cross.  The true identity of the warrior has not been publicized, but the misidentification stuck, and brought Lasagna much notoriety.  In the absence of a corrected identity, the name Lasagna is still used in connection with this incident.  Ronald Cross died in 1999 of a heart failure at the age of 41.   His early death may be a factor in the continued association of his name with this pivotal confrontation, primarily as a means of honoring the memory of the deceased.

Go to http://www.davidneel.com/dneelart/Portfolio.html#PhotoArt

Figure 7. David Neel, Oka (Life on the 18th Hole, 1990, serigraph based on the image of “Lasagna” in heated verbal confrontation with a Canadian soldier. David neel has done additional artworks based on the Champlain Monument. See http://www.rabble.ca/news/steeling-gaze

The Oka conflict, which took place over the course of eleven weeks during the summer of 1990, stemmed from the proposed expansion of a municipal golf course onto traditional Mohawk burial grounds that were part of an ongoing, unresolved land dispute.[14]  Mohawks protested the development and the federal government’s failure to either resolve the land claim or halt development until the claim could be resolved.  Provincial police and the Canadian military engaged in heated and sometimes violent conflict with the Mohawk people who had gathered there to physically block access to their burial grounds in order to protect them from imminent destruction by the developers.  Quebec police in riot gear charged the defenders’ barricades in a hail of bullets and tear gas on July 11th.  The only fatality was one of the police officers.  Both sides claim the other fired first.  The crisis continued until the Mohawks surrendered on September 26, 1990.  The effects of the Oka crisis were not limited to immediate area, but sparked sympathy protests elsewhere in Canada, some of which resulted in riots and violence.  The Oka conflict is credited with a 32% increase in voluntary military enlistment for the month of August 1990 over the same month the previous year.[15]  Oka has had ongoing effects in Canada, as evidenced by the CBC’s periodic revisiting of the crisis through radio and television broadcasts such as Oka: a Year later, and Oka: Five Years Later, and Oka: Ten Years Later[16].

The events at Oka have had profound effects on Native communities in Canada and land claims problems and protests continue.  A number of Native artists have used the events at Oka in their work.  In his book The Trickster Shift, Alan J. Ryan looks at Oka as a theme in individual works by Bill Powless, Bob Boyer, Gerald McMaster, David Neel (Figure 7), Rebecca Belmore, Ron Noganosh, and Shelley Niro, among others.

Greg Hill brings Oka into his performances Joes Scouting for Cigar Store Lasagna and Real Live Bronze Indian by wearing camouflage clothing rather than approximating the clothing (or lack of clothing) depicted on the Anishinabe Scout.  In these performances, Hill uses references to Oka to link land claim issues with the visual relationship between the monumental representation of Champlain and the trivializing placement of the unidentified Anishinabe Scout at the base of the monument.  In the case of the Anishinabe Scout, the local First Nations communities succeeded in altering an objectionable Canadian national monument, a very different outcome than at Oka, where even though the mayor eventually decided not to proceed with the golf course, the First Nations communities did not feel any sense of closure. Legal proceedings dragged on.  Shortly after the end of the Oka crisis, the mayor of Oka (Jean Oullette) publicly stated that he stood by his decision to call in the Quebec police and that he would not do anything differently. He was reelected the following year. http://archives.cbc.ca/war_conflict/civil_unrest/topics/99-583/

Canadian and provincial government spent ten times the annual federal budget for resolving land claims and the $200 million dollars spent trying to remove the Mohawk resistors from their burial site far exceeded the value of the land. http://www.hartford-hwp.com/archives/41/350.html The issue was not resolved until 1997, when the federal government purchased the disputed land and permitted the expansion of the Mohawk cemetery.

Enacting Knowledge: the Past within the Present

Greg Hill’s performance Joe Scouting for Cigar Store Lasagna is a metaphorical re-enactment (or an enactment) of the move of the Anishinabe Scout into its new position.  By assuming the Scout’s identity, Hill animates and humanizes the statue.  He makes tobacco offerings at the beginning and ending of the Scout’s journey.  This is an honoring of the Scout, a form of spiritual and personal exchange, of gifting, a deep indicator of respect and part of a conceptual transfer from Anishinabe Scout as an object to the Anishinabe Scout as a an embodiment of Indigenous agency, a being possessed of power, agency, and will.  I find it significant that Hill chose to assume the Scout’s kneeling position oriented in profile against the base of the monument, rather than facing the same direction as Champlain.  This small alteration of orientation implies two men, or two cultures, at cross-purposes, rather than united in Champlain’s exploratory and appropriative mission.  This is a subtle refutation of the “partnership” readings placed onto the former configuration by the artist’s descendents.

Rather than staging a literal re-enactment of the move with the required heavy equipment, workers in hardhats, and the trappings of a construction site, Hill uses his own body to stand-in for the presence of the now-absent Anishinabe Scout.   Through Hill’s actions, the Anishinabe Scout is understood to have walked, of his own volition, the route to his new site.  Hill stops periodically and assumes the static pose of the scout, kneeling on sidewalk, grass or street for several minutes before continuing on.  When he pauses in the middle of the street, he aligns himself so that he faces in the same direction as the double yellow dividing line that he kneels upon.  The yellow lines beneath him have been altered though: they have each been covered over with a stripe of deep purple.  This is an important symbolic gesture.  He has managed to transform the double yellow line that in traffic parlance means “do not cross,” or “no passing zone” into a reference to the Two-Row wampum belt which symbolizes two canoes, or two cultures, traveling down a river.  They are separate, but both travel the same direction, both using the currents of the river, both dependent upon the river.  In this fashion, the relocation of the sculpture is contextualized as an act of self-determination, symbolic of the Native community’s own self-determination.  He also invokes the Two Row Wampum belt for its ideological purpose of modeling peaceful coexistence despite cultural difference.  The implication is that the shifting of the Anishinabe Scout is a small move toward a better relationship between Canadian and First Nations peoples.

Real Live Bronze Indian

Hill uses slides and video footage from Joe Scouting for Cigar Store Lasagna as the backdrop for his performance Real Live Bronze Indian, and thus brings in the complicated series of references I have detailed above  While the real-life Greg Hill stays relatively motionless on the pedestal in the gallery, the Scout projected over him and onto the wall behind him takes on life and moves to the new site.  Hill himself is stationary in the gallery, and for most of the performance he mimics the pose of the bronze Anishinabe Scout, that kneeling posture with one knee on the ground, the other foot planted on the ground so that the knee rises to form a right angle.  One hand has odd grip on open air.  The other hand holds a staff planted in the ground.  The odd hand position is a result of the failure of the fundraising organization that gifted the sculpture to raise the funds to complete the work.  The Anishinabe Scout was supposed to be positioned kneeling in the bottom of a bronze canoe, holding a paddle in his hands.   The sculpture was put into place at the base of the Champlain Monument without these accoutrements .

Hill’s work with the Scout as (a) subject continues to take new forms.  The most recent addition to this particular body of work is a temporary and unauthorized placement of a canoe at the base of the Champlain Monument, seen in Figure 6.  The canoe is made of modern materials: cereal boxes, which Hill associates with modern life, particularly with the domestic material and detritus that arises from his own daily ritual of breakfast with his children.  Here, too, Hill has placed the canoe cross-wise in front of the monument.  The canoe crosses Champlain’s path rather than serving as a vessel for his economic and colonizing missions in the region.

Greg Hill, Cereal Box Canoe, 2000

Figure 8. Greg Hill’s cereal-box canoe temporarily placed in front of Ottawa’s Monument to Samuel de Champlain. For a video of a performance using a cereal box canoe, see : http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=W-1_N9ZlJPM

Through this body of work, Hill performs knowledge: the knowledge of the previous relationship between the Champlain Monument and the Anishinabe Scout, the community debate over that sculptural relationship, the partial completion and alterations to the monument over the years that occurred first as a result of omission, then as a result of Indigenous activism, the relationship between that conflict and the larger and more deadly Oka conflict, and the removal and new installation of the Anishinabe Scout as a single work in dialogue with a landscaped environment. The Scout finally stands apart from the ethnocentric glorification of French “discovery” and appropriation of lands and the subjugation of its indigenous peoples that was the beginning of the life of this sculpture.  Hill’s performances based on this monument unite past and present.  One of the criticisms that Ottawans made of the alteration of the monument was that First Nations peoples were trying to re-write history or erase the past.  Hill’s performances keep the past alive in a way that it never was before.

Hill assumes the Scout’s posturing and holds it for and extended period of time:

“I decided it would be interesting to turn the tables on the audience—the scout refuting its position as a passive object—and became instead an obnoxious subject.  While remaining in the scout pose, I began to shout at the audience, heckling them to come back and take pictures of me (with a camera that I supplied).  I was acting out what I imagined the scout would feel—frozen there, in bronze—and used as a popular prop for tourist photos.”[17]

Hill plays with the Scout as a static, passive object and as a symbol that has a life in the imagination of the community in which it is located (and re-located).   He imbues the Scout not only with agency, but with humor and irony.

With his personification of the Anishinabe Scout, Hill has stepped outside of Western theory and is engaging in a performance, an enactment of memory in which the sculpture (perceived through non-Native eyes as being an object) is revealed as a subject, a subject whose agency, whose ability to act is created by a fundamental conception of the being-ness of all things, that is, there is no thing.  There is no it.  There is presence inherent in all about us. Hill’s performance stems from a world-view in which all “objects” are inhabited and therefore are subjects, and he has made artistic decisions in the concepts, enactments and evolutions of this set of performances that take the debate about the alteration of the monuments into an entirely different philosophical and metaphysical realm. This body of work by Greg Hill calls the foundations of Canadian Nationalism into question, and so much more.  He not only enacts the past by offering himself as the embodiment of the mobile Anishinabe Scout, he also draws in his audience, the community, into re-enacting their previous proprietary relationship with the sculpture by inviting, even heckling them to have their picture taken with him, the Real Live Bronze Indian.

Photograph from The Figure 9. Ottawa Citizen newspaper (10/4/96) Photograph by Bruno Schlumberger


[1]I have not seen this performance for myself, but have I have twice experienced the work through another kind of performance: on two occasions, I have seen the artist make excellent, detailed presentations of this performance using slides and video.  The first time was for a small audience of only twelve people hosted by the Otsego Institute of Native American Art History in 2001 in Cooperstown, New York.  The second time was for an audience of over one hundred people for the IndianActs conference in Vancouver, Canada in 2002.  The artist described the work and showed slides and video from the performances, provided an artist’s statement, and answered questions.

[2] Personal communication, December 2004.

[3] Here, I have used the term American-ness to designate the continent as a whole, rather than referring only to the country of the United States.

[4] The Ottawa Citizen, “The Battle of Nepean Point,” by Kelly Egan, Friday, October 4, D3.

[5] The Ottawa Citizen, “Sculptor’s FamilyVows to Fight NCC,” by Jack Aubry, Monday October 7, 1996, D2.

[6] My emphasis.

[7] http://warof1812trail.com/champlainmonument.htm  (please note that the original link I had here has been updated. This is a Boy Scouts of America website and the original url changed recently. This link works again as of July 11, 2010).

[8] Perhaps an Indian scout is just one of those necessary accessories for any European explorer.

[9] Xxx.

[10] For an extensive analysis of the Indian male as sexual object, see.  Dressing in Feathers: The Construction of the Indian in American Popular Culture, Elizabeth Bird, ed. (Boulder: Westview Press, 1996.)

[11] Jack Aubry, “Indian Scout Figure on Disputed Statue was a Late Addition,” from The Ottawa Citizen, October 3, 1996, C1.

[12] Ronald Cross earned the nickname “Lasagna” from his mother’s frequent  Italian cooking.

[13] From commentary accompanying the documentation of a September 2, 1990 broadcast segment “Oka Stare-Off.”

[14] Ryan, 69.

[15] Ryan, 238.

[16] Ryan lists a number of sources for insider’s account of the events at Oka in a footnote on page 226 of Trickster Shift.

[17] Greg Hill, Artist’s Statement, 2002.

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Indians Ad Infinitum – the Conceptual Legacy of Fritz Scholder

March 2, 2010
Fritz Scholder, Indian at the Bar, 1971

Fritz Scholder, Indian at the Bar, 1971

Fritz Scholder  (1937-2005) was a renowned and widely exhibited painter. He was part Luiseno Indian and his paintings frequently depicted Native men and women. He studied painting under Wayne Thiebaud in California in the late 1950s, taught briefly at the Institute of American Indian Art in Santa Fe in the late 1960s, and enjoyed a prominent career as an international artist. The Smithsonian Institution’s National Museum of the American Indian mounted a retrospective exhibition of Scholder’s work and published a catalogue in conjunction with the exhibition, titled Fritz Scholder: Indian/Not Indian. The catalogue has a good, literal interpretation of Fritz Scholder’s legacy as an artist. I decided that a more conceptual tracing of Scholder’s legacy might be useful. This is it:

What is the legacy of Fritz Scholder? With an artist with such a varied career could there be multiple legacies and is legacy even an appropriate term? Some of the issues that Fritz Scholder dealt with during his career are issues that Native artists today still deal with. This paper does not deal so much with artists emulating Scholder’s artistic style, as with the means by which other artists have approached issues that Scholder faced and dealt with, both in terms of negotiating one’s role as an artist, and in terms of content, including self-representation.

Dealing with Scholder’s “legacy” in a conventional art historical manner is to create a master narrative of artistic progression with Scholder as the originating point.  In the practice of art history in general, the artist as a visionary genius is a narrative with less and less utility. Each story winds up essentially the same: precocious young artist has his genius recognized at an early age, breaks with artistic tradition, passes his methods on to students and spawns an influential new artistic movement with substantive longevity. It is possible to make Scholder’s career fit this model, and there may be some benefit to doing so. Such an analysis might break through one more barrier between the world of high art and the world of “Indian art.” However, I plan to leave that task for someone else to undertake.

That said, is it possible to construct a legacy for Fritz Scholder that is not an accounting of the artists he’s taught, the artists he influenced, the artists who emulate him? The legacy I plan to trace today is a perhaps more rightly described as the legacy of an idea, the legacy of an idea that spread, grew, morphed, and spurred more ideas.

So what is this idea I’m constructing into a narrative?  I would argue that Scholder’s work helped take us beyond the idea that “Indians are Forever,” into a realm of Indians ad infinitum, an infinity of Indians. His artworks, especially his most controversial works, depicted a plurality of Indian experiences. Rather than one-dimensional, stoic, romanticized Indians, Scholder depicted visually recognizable Indians engaged in everyday activities and experiencing a full range of human emotions.

Scholder, Super Indian #2, 1972

Scholder’s Indians ate ice cream.

Fritz Scholder, Laughing Indian, 1973

Scholder’s Indians laughed.

Scholder, Screaming Indian, 1970

And they  screamed.

Scholder helped break new ground both stylistically and in terms of content. He described his painting technique as inspired by abstract expressionism, particularly the work of Francis Bacon, but he also described his style as “non-Indian because it was not flat and decorative.”

In an article in a 1973 issue of the journal Leonardo, Scholder wrote,

“I felt it to be a compliment when I was told that I had destroyed the traditional style of Indian art, for I was doing what I thought had to be done.”

He then switched to the issue of content:

            It seemed strange to me that there were taboos on the subject matter such as massacres, Indians holding cans of beer, Indians with cats…”[1]

Scholder wasn’t the only artist who was Native who was running up against the expectations of the Indian art market and the expectations of Indian traditionalists. Some of Scholder’s students were making political artwork, and Scholder was likely just as influenced by his students as they were by him. But Scholder had access to the larger art world as a result of his training and connections to well-established avant garde artists. His work gained a wide audience. The controversies around his work and issues of identity gained him further exposure, but also made him vulnerable. For an artist who is also Indian, the minefield of racism and stereotype was particularly debilitating, and Scholder suffered from this as have many others. His shifting approaches over the years, “just an artist,” an artist who is Indian, to being billed in the market as an “Indian artist,”  disavowing Indian subject matter for a time, and then returning to it, caused additional criticism and may be a factor in the lack of critical analysis of his later work.

It’s still not easy to be Indian, or to be an artist and be Indian. While Scholder was producing his paintings, he was also taking photographs. Some of his photographs documented popular stereotypes of Indians and he labeled them Indian kitsch. Many of his photographs were filled with irony and gritty realism. Scholder sometimes used elements of old photographs as the basis for his paintings and it seems natural that he would make some photographs of his own, as we see in the Indian kitsch series. Painting, however, remained his primary medium.

Jeffrey Thomas, Gerald Cleveland, Winnebago Nation, 1985

It seems like a logical step though, for artists determined to fashion new kinds of Indian identities that take contemporary Native experience as normal, authentic, and politically important to use the medium of photography.  Just as historic period photographs were used to establish the dominant cultures’ ideas about Indians, so modern photography by Native artists could complicate or radically shift those ideas. Jeffrey Thomas’ powwow photographs, for instance,  take us outside the powwow- out to the parking lot. In Gerald Cleveland, Winnebago Nation, Thomas gives us a beautiful photograph that is not romantic. Thomas makes powwow preparations a normal part of life – Gerald Cleveland can “be Indian” in a parking lot, with a pink panther hand mirror. It is a combination of ordinariness and special occasion. Traditional preparation for an important public event is taking place in our ordinary surroundings.  There is a similar emphasis on the both authenticity and undeniably active presence in the here and now, not in some romanticized past. This is the same element that helped make some of Scholder’s work so captivating.

Native photographers have developed bodies of work that find more and more ways of complicating our ideas about Indianess while engaging in inter and intra cultural critiques. Zig Jackson has turned the tourist’s camera back upon tourists at locations from powwows to our country’s national parks and monuments. Tom Jones has photographed elders in their homes, and complicated the idea of “Indian kitsch” by photographing the ways in which Indian people appropriate kitsch and re-work it into our environments in deliberate manners. Everywhere, Native artists are making artworks that expand the definitions of what is Native, that emphasize our own agency as participants and creators of Native cultures and popular culture. These artworks often fundamentally question the global world that we live in and address issues through the world at large, and it happens in installation art, performance art, video art, computer and internet based work, too.

Jason Lujan’s auto-ethnographic video installation I Look at Indians, I look at Myself uses humor and ironic juxtapositions to analyze a day in his ordinary life as an Indian man living in New York City. But he also imagines what it would look like if it were “normal” be Indian in NYC. He modifies the multilingual signage on the subway, on produce boxes, to include texts in Native languages, as in the Cherokee text on the lemon box: Le-Tsi-Ne-s. Lujan normalizes Native cultures as part of the ordinary fabric global culture, equal to any other cultural group.

video still from Jason Lujan's I Look at Indians, I Look at Myself

video still from Jason Lujan's I Look at Indians, I Look at Myself

“Indians are Forever” — Indians are Everyday

Scholder’s Indian works from the late 60s-early 70s were a part of the working out of the power of stereotypes and methods of resisting racist oppression through modes of visual representation. Traditionalist Indians objected to works such as Indian at the Bar, and the “Monster” Indians images as debasing, as exposing Indians to ridicule, or depicting Indians shamefully.  As if only creating depictions of “good” Indians could counter the systemic racism and oppression. Not so. The idea of a “good” Indian was based in the assumptions of the dominant culture- a culture with an idea that stuck Indians in a romantic past, and made them invisible in the present, or made Indians in the present into debased and inauthentic still-vanishing Indians, unconnected to so-called“real” Indian cultures, except when it was commercially viable. (100 % real Indian). Falling in with romantic, nostalgic representations of an Indianness-that-never-was is of limited use to actual Indian people, and is in fact, harmful. No one can live up to the romantic notions of what a stereotypical “traditional” Indian is. The constant external binary opposition: “authentic/inauthentic” is harmful to the wholeness of any person. Scholder was part of initial movement to put a more complicated representation of “Indian-ness” out there. Most of his compositions for these early Indian works were based on the classically painted portraits by Caitlin and anthropological studio photographs of Indians.  Stylistically, the energetic brush strokes and intense color brought an immediacy and vibrancy that helped overturn a recognizable formula from the salvage paradigm into an in-your-face claim for both authenticity and modernity.

I’d like to suggest that Scholder’s strongest legacy is this insistence on both authenticity and modernity. At the heart of it even may be the idea that Indians are normal. This is the kernel of an idea in which other artists have found vitality, hundreds of ways of depicting, expressing, and acting upon. Native artists take the everyday and make it Indian, and they take Indian life and make it everyday. Like artists in any part of the art world, they make the familiar alien, or make the alien into the familiar- sometimes simultaneously.

Scholder’s ability to take those Indian works of the 60s and 70s further was hampered by complex circumstances: a narrow definition of Indianness, lack of the general public’s visual literacy in regard to the varied material cultures of Native Americans, culture  tensions over identity politics, and an emphasis on formalism and so-called universal aesthetics over content within the mainstream art world. His turn away from Indian imagery and exploration of conventional subjects which, in the realm of western art, are thought of as “universal”- women, lovers’ embraces, and such, may be interpreted as the artist dodging the criticisms on identity issues.  I think is a very simplistic assumption. It’s possible to take the idea of Indians as being everyday people into a place where the material is not about Indian specificity, but about fundamentally shared ideas about emotional life and romantic entanglements. Why should any artist be prohibited from selecting themes they conceive of as universal?  To deny a Native artist the freedom to make work about lovers and relationships is absurd. Scholder exercised his right to make artwork without external limitations. While some may find his seemingly non-Indian works less compelling than his work of the late 60s and early 70s, his later works can be framed as just as radical. Once again, he flies in the face of expectations. For any artist of color, it is always a struggle to get art audiences to look at the artwork, instead of just racial or cultural issues. Making artwork that makes your own cultural and racial background part of the norm, instead of the exotic is a huge challenge.

Fritz Scholder, Together No 8, 1995

While Scholder turned away from “Indian” subject matter, other artists continued make work that chipped away at the assumptions about “Indian art” and Native peoples.  The comments from the early 70s that Scholder made about his style and subject matter running counter to the expectations of “Indian art” is something I want to come back to. Many artists working right now use traditional forms or references to those forms in their work in innovative ways. Sarah Sense takes her photographs and collages and creates woven two-dimensional and three-dimensional pieces that use traditional techniques and patterns, and yet keep the photographic images recognizable. For example, the Chitimacha basket is a traditional basketry form that has been created from digital photos of a rather ordinary-looking road that also happens to be the location of Chitimacha tribal headquarters in Louisiana.

Painter Jeffrey Gibson actually deals with some of the same relationship themes that Scholder worked with, although Gibson doesn’t just deal with opposite-gender pairings. Gibson’s content isn’t often specifically identifiable as “Indian” content, and the old painting aesthetics of the studio schools from the first half of the twentieth century have no place in his work, but he uses silicone paint to create sculptural embellishments that resemble raised beadwork pieces on the surfaces of his paintings. Gibson has developed a unique and appealing painting style, but a fuller understanding of his work, and the work of most Native artists working in the contemporary art mode is dependent upon viewers’ visual literacy in multiple symbolic systems. These symbolic systems may arise from historical representational practices of the dominant culture, or from contemporary intertribal practices like powwow, pop culture, rap/hip hop, punk rock subcultures, and global indigenous cultural exchanges. They make works that assume their audiences are accustomed to mingling diverse representational systems, and yet do not assume that all viewers come to their work with the same set of competencies. The meanings of content, subject, style, materials, and formal elements are not necessarily unified, consistent, or fixed.  Artworks now have a habit of functioning as experiments and experiences rather than definitive statements. Not that definitive statements don’t come about, but they are a process, rather than the end game. Scholder’s work may not have gone there, but his work is part of foundation for where we find ourselves now.

Scholder’s painterly style was not unique. Being a painter who was Indian in the late 1960s was not unique. Scholder’s work in the 1960s-70s, works like Indian with Beer Can, may turn out to be his most important contributions because he depicted Indians who were doing things. The uniqueness of some of Scholder’s works- the works that infuriated, troubled, intrigued, and even amused- were in the period of his career in which he painted Indians who were not romantic, who disturbed the anthropological gaze by doing everyday patently MODERN things. He presented to the public Indians who could be banal, flawed, political, righteous, and angry. Here is perhaps the real legacy of Scholder’s art- succeeding generations of artists who are Native, or First Nations, or Indigenous, Aboriginal, or Indian, who work to represent themselves in ways that resist romanticized concepts of cultural identity, artists who resist colonialism and post-colonialism. Their work has spread beyond painting, into photography, installation, performance art, and new media. The shock that Scholder injected into the world of Indian art is part of a continuing current of resistance, but even more important than resistance is creation: the creation of new kinds of Indians, complex Indians, Indians who live in more than two worlds – Indians who move through numerous cultures and subcultures. Writing in 1973, Scholder said “Hopefully, I have helped young Indian painters to feel free to paint as they wish.” But the ideas that Scholder’s work put out there, in a visual and visceral way, spread far beyond painting, and into artistic media and technologies that didn’t exist in when he wrote those words.


[1] Fritz Scholder, “On the Work of a Contemporary Indian Painter,” from Leonardo, Vol. 6, No. 2, (Spring 1973) 110.

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What is this place?

March 2, 2010

This is a place for art criticism and musing on art, and maybe even a few musings on teaching art. Submissions on contemporary Native/First Nations are welcomed. Some of the posts are quite scholarly. There is a scarcity of places to publish serious work about issues in Native art and people studying the topic have a hard time finding good sources.  Other posts are more casual and are for a general audience.

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